Thèses de doctorat

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Now showing 1 - 6 of 6
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    American Private Military Companies in the Era of War on Terror: An Analysis of Responsibility and Accountability
    (2012) ATY, Mourad
    This dissertation examined the phenomenon of American Private Military Companies and their unprecedented growth in the era of War on Terror, an era that shaped the dynamism of the private military market. Western governments are increasingly relying on the private sector to undertake what used to be inherently governmental. The sensitive nature of these functions did not push officials to provide enough regulatory options and practice more oversight on the booming business. This dissertation also dissected the conventional military normative trends and juxtaposed them to the practices perpetrated by private contractors. By doing so the accordance to those trends was tested and analyzed. In the light of the aforementioned steps, the analysis of every possible legislation and regulation was so crucial; laws at both local and international levels were tested and consequently judged whether they were efficient as regulatory modes or not.
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    Critical Study for the American National Strategy: Bush’s National Security Strategy
    (2012) BRAHMI, Halima
    This study examines the changes that have been taking place in the American non proliferation policy under President W. Bush. The traditional non-proliferation policy which was characterized by diplomacy and Treaty regime has been substituted by the military counter-proliferation policy which focused on the extreme use of force against “rogue regimes”. The American preeminence in the post-Cold War led it to search for an absolute security in order to preserve the American vital interests in the world. The American search for an absolute security was culminated in George W. Bush presidency, in which the U.S put the focus on just “rogue states” that were considered as major threat to the American security. Threats of Proliferation of WMD and terrorism were considered as so risky to the American and global security. Putting the focus on Iraq as the most dangerous “ rogue state” was not for the sake of disarmament in the Middle East region, but mainly for changing Saddam Hussein regime which started to be a serious enemy to the American vital interests from the end of the Gulf War. This work focuses on elucidating the misleading points which coincided with the “preemptive” counter-proliferation when implemented against Iraq in 2003. Under the pretext of disarming Iraq and diminishing the threat of proliferation of WMD in the Middle East, the US embarked on an aggressive preventive war as an appropriate tool to seek its objectives of regime change and controlling Iraq. After the 9/11 attacks, it seems appropriate to declare Iraq as a state sponsoring terrorism to prove the alleged imminence of the threat. This study, therefore, reveals how the American war against Iraq 2003, was waged according to assumptions and miscalculations prepared by extremist neo-conservatives. It reveals how it is illegal to wage a war against an adversary without clear evidence for the threat. This paper examines the role of the extremist doctrine of neo-conservatives to open the door for the use of force to deal with Iraq, through conspiracy and over-estimating the Iraq Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) proliferation threat. It also shows how the war against Iraq did not fall in the justified preemptive self-defense criteria, but instead it fell in the illegal preventive war. The study focuses on showing the misleading points of the American “preemptive” counter-proliferation policy. It shows how the war against Iraq did not fall in the justified preemptive self-defense criteria, but instead it fell in the illegal preventive war. As a central conclusion, the study reveals how it was misleading the American “preemptive” counter proliferation which seemed not to focus on the disarmament of Iraq, but rather on exercising unlimited hegemony in Iraq and the Middle East. It also elucidates how the American “preemptive” counter-proliferation policy will work as a “carte blanche” not just for imitating the U.S unjustified use of force, but also on marginalizing the international norms governing the use of force. Through its implementation to the “preemptive” counter-proliferation towards Iraq, the U.S may face much more anti Americanism, and this may make its attempt to reshape the Middle East, for the sake of preserving its interests, a lost quest.
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    Maturity from the 'Many' to the 'Few': The Search for the Existential Authentic Self in John Fowles' Early Fiction
    (2022-01-01) CHEBEL Meriem
    This dissertation studies the existential journey taken by John Fowles’s characters and himself in his early fiction, as well as Fowles’s own conception of authenticity through the ‘Many’ and the ‘Few’. Our choice in the writer’s early fiction is not random; Fowles’s first three novels focus on the thematic importance of existentialism. Fowles starts his journey by highlighting an importance of an epistemologically based work of art. However, the inclusion of the collection of short stories, which rather shifts the thematic attention from existentialism to the nature of fiction, is aimed to study the reasons for the shift. Fowles shows less inclination to creating existential quests in his The Ebony Tower. The reason is not clearly stated by him. The research’s main undertaking lies in analyzing this shift. The existential quest, including the author’s representation of the Many and the Few, has been already examined by former critics, yet its relation to the artist’s aesthetic integrity is yet to be focused on. The main question of the research is whether Fowles’s discussion of the theme of existential authenticity affects his own authenticity as an artist or not. In other words, which characters make Fowles’s art more authentic, the inauthentic Many or the authentic Few? Fowles’s definition of an authentic artist is believed to be an artist that survives the ‘nemo’. The latter is a concept that is very important to answer the main question of the research. The nemo is an unconscious state, in addition to the id, ego, and super ego, of ‘nobodiness’ that the individual self goes through. It is similar to Sartre’s existential angst. The key to creating good art lies in defying the nemo. The latter should not be defied by imitation or ‘making it new’. Both methods show a fear of extinction, for the main reason to defy the nemo is to survive time. The best method, according to Fowles, is to embrace that state by representing a timeless human condition in an aesthetically appealing medium. An authentic art is an art that balances an epistemological end with a consistent form. The major contradiction which defines Fowles’s art is its categorization as postmodernistic. iv Postmodernism aims for an ontological rather than an epistemological end, and its main method of defying the nemo lies in the continuing purpose of further ‘making it new’. Our analysis of Fowles’s work shows that he creates existentially free, rather than authentic, characters. The product of that existential freedom is inconcrete. The main protagonists who go for an existential quest are mostly lost at the end after a heavily didactic guidance, which results in the absurd. It is Fowles’s inauthentic characters that restore the aesthetic balance to his art, for they are the most aesthetically free since they survive the author’s will to control through his obsession with the mission to teach. Didacticism is not the only failure in Fowles’s pursuit of embodying his vision of a good artist; his conception of the Many and the Few displays an elitist discourse that further distances the reader from relating to his promoted group of the existentially authentic. The reader, thus, develops an unexpected sympathy towards the less celebrated Many. These two aesthetic failures have been compensated by embracing the ontological rather than the epistemological in the thematic shift from existentialism to the nature of fiction. Fowles gives up on meaning and changes his principles in what defines good art. He is at his best when he subversively experiments. However, the timeless condition that Fowles unconsciously represents, and which unexpectedly defies the nemo, is the condition of the contemporary artist with the mission of surviving his ancestors’ heavy artistic heritage.
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    The Effect of Lexical Collocation Awareness-Raising on EFL Students’ Oral Proficiency Case study: First Year LMD Students, Department of English, University of Guelma
    (2012) Biskri, Yamina
    The present research aims at investigating the use of English lexical collocations and their relation to oral proficiency of first year EFL students. Since collocational competence is an essential requirement for the overall mastery of English, students should be trained to notice which words co-occur together in order to speak a foreign language the way its native speakers do. Thus, we hypothesize that lexical collocation awareness-raising makes first year students of English sound natural and proficient. Data for the study were collected from 50 first year students at the department of English, university of Guelma. This empirical study was carried out during the academic year 2010 -2011. The study sample was composed of two groups: an experimental group which was made aware of lexical collocations and a control group which was not trained at all .Firstly, two questionnaires were administered to both students and teachers. The results obtained reveal that most students as well as most teachers were not familiar with the concept of collocations. In addition, students mismatched English words and their miscollocations were caused by different factors, mainly lack of collocational knowledge and mother tongue interference. To confirm that students had limited knowledge of lexical collocations, we relied on a collocation test. Then, we administered a pre-oral test and a post oral test .The former intended to determine students’ use of lexical collocations , whereas the latter aimed at finding out the impact of collocation awareness-raising implemented during treatment on the subjects’ ability to speak proficiently. To determine the nature of relationship between lexical collocation use and oral proficiency, the correlation coefficient (r) is calculated. It reveals a significant positive correlation between the study variables. In addition, the results obtained in the pretest and post test were analyzed and compared. The latter showed an improvement in oral proficiency and collocational knowledge in favour of the experimental group participants. Conclusions drawn from this work led to submit suggestions to help EFL teachers strengthen the collocational knowledge of their students, especially providing diverse collocation awareness-raising activities and strategies to improve students’ oral proficiency.
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    THE ROLE OF INTEREST GROUPS IN THE MAKING OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY : THE CASE OF US INTERVENTION IN IRAQ
    (2012) ZIAYA Rima
    This work examines the extent to which interest groups in the United States are able to influence decision making in the realm of foreign policy. Interest groups are largely considered as the key connection between the citizens and the government which in turn affects their activity as well as being affected with their pressure. The latter was extensively noticed on the domestic area while ignored at the foreign one. The extent of this incidence is subjected to various conditions, primarily, the nature and locus of the decision making as well as political and international events. The present dissertation provides a test to the power gained by interest groups and their ability to share foreign policy outcomes in the contemporary period and highlights the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 as a case study in order to answer the question: To what extent did interest groups influence the US decision to invade Iraq? The example of the American invasion of Iraq reinforces and evidences the comprehensive view about the new relationship between interest group activity and foreign policy and assesses the extent of the access provided toward organized groups. To assess such an assumption the work investigates the different circumstances that were behind the absence of these groups from sharing policy making at different stages in relation to the American domestic and foreign policy changes. Within the Iraq context, the work provides a contemporary assessment of the role played by the Jewish lobby in the United States foreign policy toward Iraq. It further tests the extent to which the Bush administration was subjected to external influence of interest groups on the decision of such an invasion and it eventually concludes that the Iraq invasion of 2003 was the outcome of both interest group activation and other incidents.
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    Who Decides when America Goes to War: The President or the Congress? An Endless Debate in Perspective
    (2011) ZEMITI, Asma
    The United States has been frequently involved in wars by presidential decision and without being officially declared by Congress, but scholars still deny the shift in the practice of war powers. The dissertation attempts to confirm this shift by showing that the division of war powers as the Founding Fathers intended it to be is no longer respected. The work aims to prove that since the Second World War Congress has deferred to the President whenever he deploys troops abroad relying on his title as Commander-in-Chief of the American Army. The choice of the subject is motivated by the significant number of American wars which were fought in different parts of the world mainly in Latin America, Asia, and more recently in the Middle East. As an illustration, “Presidentialists” defend the legality of presidential use of force even without congressional consent. By opposition “Congressionalists” refute such legality and accuse the President of usurping the war powers. Successive presidents have claimed more war powers. By renouncing its constitutional powers, Congress has failed to challenge presidential power usurpation. In this regard the reasons behind the shift in the practice of war powers are explored and the conditions under which Congress may exercise a war power check are unveiled. The silence of the Supreme Court has largely contributed to the development of this negative phenomenon. The inability of the third branch to intervene to restore the balance of war powers has created a serious conflict between the executive and legislative branches. The contribution of this research is based on the analysis and understanding of the reasons for the change in the practice of war powers for the President and possibly on the proposals that will restore balance in the practice of allowing Congress in parallel to verify the credentials of war.